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The Corona pandemic confronted societies with several unexpected constraints that had the effect of making certain goods much scarcer than before. Withdrawal from Russian oil and gas supplies has a similar effect. Carbon abatement can also be seen as a deliberate choice to make certain goods scarc-er than they actually are. These parallels suggests that it may be worthwhile to take a close look at societies’ responses to all three challenges. This paper makes an attempt to synthetize empirical and theoretical insights regarding these scarcity shocks from a well-being perspective, i.e. replacing the prevalent welfare economic focus on production and consumption with a focus on sustainable well-being.
Taking the case of Germany, it will be argued that the observed responses to all three challenges reflect a focus on maintaining incomes and production and that therefore these responses risk being detrimental to sustainable wellbeing and even to economic stability. This is particularly relevant if carbon abatement requires not only transient material sacrifices but lasting and significant reduc-tions of consumption.
It will be argued that the impact of these new scarcities will be much less problematic in a society that acknowledges the priority of sustainable wellbeing over production and consumption measures. Such a society would still need to incur material sacrifices, but these need not translate into a loss of wellbeing if economic conditions and social norms adapt. This will also be more sustainable not only in terms of ecological impact, but also in terms of debt, inflation and inequality.
Thirty years ago, the Fourth King of Bhutan famously proclaimed that ―Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National Product, thereby setting Bhutan on a holistic development path. Following this historic declaration, Bhutan developed a Gross National Happiness (GNH) Index and screening tool to evaluate all new policies, proclaiming that:
―Gross National Happiness measures the quality of a country in more holistic way [than GNP] and believes that the beneficial development of human society takes place when material and spiritual development occur side by side to complement and reinforce each other.
In July 2011, 68 nations joined Bhutan in co-sponsoring its UN General Assembly resolution on ―Happiness: Towards a Holistic Approach to Development.
Keynes’ Grandchildren and Easterlin’s Paradox. What Is Keeping Us from Reducing Our Working Hours?
(2019)
In 1930 Keynes famously predicted that 100 years later-i.e. in 2030-the “economic problem” would be solved and we would be living in an “age of leisure and of abundance” working only 3 h a day. In the same text, Keynes stated that there are absolute and relative needs (“in the sense that we feel them only if their satisfaction lifts us above, makes us feel superior to, our fellows”), but he thought that relative needs are of minor importance. Richard Easterlin’s work, on the other hand, suggests that relative needs are pervasive and that wellbeing depends much more on one’s relative income than Keynes once thought.
It will be argued in this text that Richard Easterlin’s findings, in spite of proving Keynes off the mark in his understatement of relative needs, strengthens the case for working time reductions: the larger the proportion of goods subject to the relative-income effect, the greater are the benefits of working fewer hours. Perhaps the main explanation for why we are still sticking to the 40-h work-week is that the Easterlin paradox has not been widely understood yet.
Hedonism
(2009)
Despite decades of empirical happiness research, there is still little evidence for the positive effect of economic growth on life satisfaction. This poses a major challenge to welfare economic theory and to normative conceptions of socio-economic development. This book endeavours to explain these findings and to make sense of their ethical implications.
While most of the existing literature on empirical happiness research is ultimately interested in understanding how to improve human lives and societal development, the ethical backdrop against which these findings are evaluated is rarely made explicit. In contrast to this, Professor Hirata focuses on the role happiness should play in an ethically founded conception of good development. Taking a development ethics perspective, this book proposes a nuanced conception of happiness that includes both its affective and its normative dimensions and embeds this in a comprehensive conception of good development.
The argument is that happiness should not be regarded as the only thing that determines a good life and that good development cannot sensibly be thought of as a matter of maximizing happiness. Happiness should rather be seen as an important indicator for the presence or absence of those concerns that really matter to people: the reasons that give rise to happiness. This book should be of interest to students and researchers of economics, psychology and development studies.